Abstract
The author defines classic ghetto as the result of the involuntary spatial segregation of a kelompok that stands in a subordinate political plus social relationship to its surrounding society, the enclave as a voluntarily developed spatial concentration of a kelompok for purposes of promoting the welfare of its members, plus the citadel as created by a dominant kelompok to protect or enhance its superior position. The author describes a new phenomenon, connected to global economic changes: the outcast ghetto, inhabited by those excluded from the mainstream economy by the forces of macroeconomic developments. The distinction among these differing forms of spatial separation is crucial for a number of public policies.

    1. After I had chosen the phrase, I found that Wacquant (1993) had also used the term outcast in the title of his article, “Urban Outcasts: Stigma plus Division.” I use the term with the same meaning as he does, plus appreciate his detailed discussion in that article.
    1. Advanced homelessness, the peculiar homelessness of technologically advanced societies, is another. I have discussed it in detail in other works (Marcuse 1993a, 1993b; Mingione 1996).
    1. For a discussion of the term plus its roots in regulation theory, see Aglietta (1979). The literature is by now extensive; a good overview of the current state of the discussion is Ash (1994).”Post-Fordist city” is a slightly misleading usage, because nomer city is just a post-Fordist city. One of the glorious facts of city life is that every city carries its past into its present. A city is always a combination of the built environment plus the human traditions of the past plus the present. Although the accurate phrase would be “the city in the post-Fordist era,” I use the shortened version simply for convenience.
    1. The literature on these processes is vast; I presented a summary of my understanding of them in an earlier work (Marcuse 1995).
    1. Neighborhood remains undefined in the formulation quoted. The issue of space is important not only in terms of measurement-changing the scale of the unit, the neighborhood, changes the results of the index of dissimilarity substantially, for instance-but also in substantive terms. As van Kempen (1994) asked, how does one categorize the spacial situation in which Chinese make up only 10% of a given neighborhood but all Chinese in the city live in that neighborhood? That certainly appears to be an exclusion of Chinese from all other neighbor-hoods, plus I would be surprised if redefining neighborhood to a smaller scale did not reveal an daerah in which Chinese were the large majority.
    1. I have taken Wacquant’s (1993, 367) suggestion, conveyed in a footnote, out of context to make my point. In the text, he was explicitly concerned with “the dilapidated racial enclaves [sic] of the metropolitan core” plus viewed them as, among other things, clearly spatially defined.
    1. It is not an entirely satisfactory definition for all purposes. Two specific forms that might be included under its terms but would not normally be considered ghettos are the concentration camp or prison plus the company town-or more broadly, the conforming ghetto, which might include the company town for workers, the executive suburb for managers, the “acculturating” housing envisaged by early housing reformers such as Benjamin Rush, plus the integrating kibbutz for new immigrants. But these are not of direct relevance here.
    1. For example, an daerah in the Netherlands in which more than 25% of the residents are immigrants from the former Dutch colonies in Indonesia would qualify as a ghetto, but a similar daerah in the United States in which 25% of the residents are black plus 75% are white would be considered an integrated area.
    1. The wide variety of measures of segregation that have been developed over the last 30 years, largely built on the path breaking work by Taeuber plus Taeuber (1965), reflects the concern to measure various aspects of ghettoization, each of which may best be examined with a different quantitative technique.
    1. An exception is Vergara (1995), a graphic description that focuses on the contemporary ghetto, not the classic one of the past.